AIDS activists are a wet dream for the pharmaceutical industry. Thinking that they have finally reached positions of political power - where they play a critical role in determining national policy on a major issue - activists are basking in the political high-life. Vying for titles like "AIDS Czar," having the HIV-positive label is worth some political leverage. Kim Mills, of the Human Rights Campaign, said

"...by having an HIV-positive AIDS adviser, Mr. Clinton would show his commitment to fighting the disease."

AIDS activists are deluded if they think that they are responsible for changing public policy on HIV and AIDS. AIDS has been a wet dream for the pharmaceutical industry. Lobbyists for the disease are serving the needs of the corporate underpinnings of the medical research and treatment complex far better than that complex could have hoped. Further, by appointing token homosexuals to moderately prominent positions the federal government gets the added perk of being "gay friendly" or "committed' or whatever, when in fact it is simply continuing to serve the corporate sector with the blessing of those it is supposed to be helping. It takes about 7 years and $360 million to see a drug through from idea to product. The largest chunk of this money is taken up in the trials, which cost about $130 million (phase III trials alone cost about $90 million). And AIDS activists want to dismantle the drug trial process. The drug industry is having a capitalistic orgasm over the increased profit margin as a result, and lawmakers are more than happy to scratch the back of the pharmaceutical PACs: politicians get more money for re-election, the drug industry saves hundreds of millions a year on testing costs (and they get a few other choice pieces of legislationpushed through to boot), and the White House gets to appoint a few homosexuals and HIV-positives to token positions (not too many homosexuals, though) and call it all a dedication to fighting AIDS. Trashing the trial process, here and abroad, is certainly not against the wishes of the drug industry. Surely they would have lobbied for doing so themselves if the very concept weren't so completely outragous. But now that some activists want it done, hell, give them a few offices and we'll do it in their name. The power that AIDS activists have over HIV/AIDS policy only extends as far as their willingness to pursue a corporate-friendly agenda, and no further. In fact, that agenda will be pursued beyond what AIDS activists wish, and they have only themselves to blame for allowing it in the first place. Why wouldn't Burroughs-Wel lcome (now Glaxo-Wellcome) be friendly to AIDS activists for their help in getting drugs to the market faster? Why wouldn'tofficials from Bristo l-Myers Squibb meet with AIDS activists to lobby their support for drug marketing? Why wouldn't Glaxo-Wellcome meet with European activists and give in to their call to "make more [3TC] available to the expanded access scheme to ensure that no-one without other anti-retroviral options would lose out"? Why wouldn't Glaxo-Wellcome welcome even a boycott by AIDS activists, since the purpose of it is to make a completely experimental drug marketable even prior to clinical trials? It is pharmaceutical heaven. The result of such a boycott is to put pressure on the FDA to dismantle the trial process, which it did and continues to do. It is the door that the industry has been waiting for, and now that activists have opened it, they are not altogether happy about the beast they are letting in. But they have served their purpose, and they'll have a much harder time closing that door than they did opening it. " The legislation is critical for the drug industry because it renews an expiring program that has already cut drug review times dramatically"

As Carl Feldbaum, president of the Biotechnology Industry Organization, a Washington-based trade group, put it,

``This may be the most important bill for the biotech industry in its history."

Does anyone imagine that this bill was so important not primarily for financial reasons, but because they think it will allow them to treat AIDS patients more effectively? But the door is open. Activists were immediately aware that the FDA reform was not in their best interest. "There are few constituencies who support the concept of FDA reform as strongly as the one million people living with HIV/AIDS in America; but few constituencies will be harmed as greatly by this bill," said Daniel Zingale, AIDS Action Executive Director. "Gradual improvements in the approval process have achieved a balance between increased approval time and the protection of consumer safety; the Senate bill breaks this delicate balance." "Overhauling the FDA" was never done with the best interest of people with AIDS in mind. It was done with the interest of the pharmaceutical and biotech industry in mind. Scientists now are to the medical establishment what economists have long been to the banking establishment: advocates for the financial hand that feeds them and the political structures that give them power. "Despite objections from AIDS activists, who say the value of ddC has not been adequately proven, a panel of scientists is advising the Food and Drug Administration to approve the use of the drug as a treatment for HIV." Activists have provided the cover needed to further the corporate agenda that propels HIV/AIDS research in the directions that it does. Usually the White House has to apologize for or deny its unflinching service to the corporations that put its occupants in power. With AIDS, though, the White House can brag about those relationships, because they were fostered with the blessing of activists, the very same liberal types who generally serve as watchdogs. Certainly there are those who